WASHINGTON – The much‑discussed election in Bangladesh has ended — and few ever believed the outcome was in doubt. It was neither free nor fair, nor in any sense inclusive. What unfolded instead was a carefully choreographed exercise with a predetermined result, marking not just a political shift but the beginning of a darker, more uncertain era for Bangladesh — one whose consequences may extend well beyond its borders.
Half the electorate of the February 12 election was effectively silenced by the outlawing of the country’s largest political party, the Awami League, through an executive order. Yet the Yunus regime went ahead, declaring an outcome that oscillates between tragic and absurd. Reports of fabricated ballots, pre‑arranged deals, planted election officials, and the systematic intimidation of Awami League supporters left no doubt that this was never meant to be a contest — it was a coronation.
The electoral arithmetic only deepened the farce. At 11 a.m., the Election Commission (EC) reported a 15 percent voter turnout. Within an hour, that figure inexplicably doubled to 32 percent — a physical impossibility unless voters were lining up to cast ballots every five seconds. By early afternoon, turnout miraculously soared to 47 percent, and by day’s end, the EC triumphantly announced a 59 percent participation rate — almost identical to what a top foreign advisor had “predicted” a week before. In some districts, turnout surpassed 100 percent; in others, an astonishing 240 percent. It was as if arithmetic itself had joined the conspiracy.
Meanwhile, the referendum on the July Charter — a complex, multi‑page ballot — allegedly secured over 60 percent approval, a remarkable feat in a country where many voters barely had a chance to read the questions.
Dr. Muhammad Yunus, now 86, appears to have designed this referendum process not to advance democracy but to entrench his personal power. His so‑called July Charter hands sweeping authority to the presidency — abolishing time limits and checks on executive control. It is, in essence, a constitutional coup dressed in the language of reform. Unsurprisingly, rumors suggest Yunus has struck deals with participating parties to legitimize an unlawful power grab by transforming his status from extralegal to constitutional.
Predictably, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) emerged as the declared victor in a “landslide,” with its leader, Tareq Rahman, set to become the next Prime Minister. Rahman’s history needs little retelling. Former U.S. Ambassador James F. Moriarty once described him as a “symbol of kleptocratic government and violent politics.” His record from the years 2001–2004 — when his mother, Khaleda Zia, presided over a BNP‑Jamaat coalition — remains emblematic of corruption and confrontation.
The Jamaat‑e‑Islami (JEI), a party stained by its genocidal role in 1971, and its militant allies have secured 77 of the 300 parliamentary seats. This may appear numerically modest, yet it represents a dangerous normalization of extremism. Imagine if one‑quarter of Germany’s Bundestag were composed of neo‑Nazi deputies — the outrage would be global. Yet in Bangladesh, this alarming development has been met with little more than polite silence from the international community.
On the surface, it may seem that Bangladesh has been pushed toward the far right. With the Awami League — the historic champion of secularism and minority rights — forcibly sidelined, the country’s liberal, pluralist tradition stands cornered. For all its governance flaws, the Awami League symbolized an inclusive, populist ethos — one rooted in women’s empowerment, minority protection, and equitable development. Its exclusion leaves a vacuum that theocratic and ultranationalist forces are now eager to fill.
Even more troubling is JEI’s electoral dominance along Bangladesh’s western frontier with India — one of the world’s most densely populated and geopolitically sensitive borders. This region has long been a hub for drug and arms trafficking, and a resurgence of militancy with the assistance of Pakistani groups like Lashkar‑e‑Taiba could destabilize not only Bangladesh but also its neighbors. It was under the BNP‑JEI coalition from 2001 to 2006 that ISI‑linked training camps once operated near the northeastern Indian border to foment insurgency.
Today, Bangladesh’s economy is in freefall, its rule of law eroded, and its institutions hollowed out. Whether Tareq Rahman’s years in exile have tempered his impulses or whether he will repeat the corruption and extremism of the past remains to be seen. The question is whether he can contain the forces of militant jihad, as his predecessor Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina once did, while salvaging an economy on the verge of collapse.
This election will not be remembered as a milestone of democratic progress but as a cynical pageant — one that mocks the very notion of the ballot. Bangladesh has endured rigged contests before, but none as brazenly manufactured or globally consequential as this.
By shredding the principles of legitimacy, inclusivity, and accountability, the Yunus regime may have won temporary control — but it has imperiled the country’s long‑term stability and moral foundation. The international community cannot remain indifferent. When democracy dies silently behind closed ballot boxes, its decay seldom stops at national borders.
Rana Hassan Mahmud
Rana Hassan Mahmud is Executive Director, Center for USA-Bangladesh Relations.
- Rana Hassan Mahmud#molongui-disabled-link
- Rana Hassan Mahmud#molongui-disabled-link
- Rana Hassan Mahmud#molongui-disabled-link
- Rana Hassan Mahmud#molongui-disabled-link
